Animal Wiki - User contributions [en]

Pigs in the Tripartite Mahzor

2012-06-04T08:36:58Z

Choyke:

== The Tripartite Mahzor ==

The Tripartite Mahzor (Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Kaufmann Collection, MS Kaufmann A384) is a fourteenth-century [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ashkenazi_Jews Ashkenazi]] prayerbook produced in the area of Lake Constance around 1320. It is divided into three parts. The first part is preserved in Budapest, in the [[http://kaufmann.mtak.hu/index-en.html Kaufmann collection]] of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (MS A384). It contains prayers and piyyuts for the special Shabbats, Purim, Pesah (Passover), and the Song of Songs. The second part (London, British Library Add. Ms. 22413) contains prayers and piyyuts for Shavuot, the Book of Ruth, Sukkot and the Book of Ecclesiastes. In the third volume (Oxford, Bodleian Library Ms. Michael 619) there are prayers and piyyuts for Rosh ha-Shanah and Yom Kippur. While the size of the codices is different, the size of the text areas and the style of the illuminations are the same. Therefore, the three volumes probably originally constituted a one- or two-volume codex, which began with Rosh ha-Shanah and ended with Shavuot. It may have been cut and divided into three parts some time later. None of the volumes has a colophon. The only name given is that of the scribe. He was a certain Hayyim. His name is written at the end of the commentary to Ruth (“חיים חזק”, vol.2, fol. 80v), and this word is decorated in the text in another page of the same volume (fol.103v). A certain scribe Hayyim (חיים סופר) also copied the so-called Schocken Bible (Southern Germany, c.1300; Jerusalem, Schocken Library, Ms.14840), and two close stylistic relatives of the Tripartite Mahzor: the Pentateuch of the Duke of Sussex (Southern Germany; London, British Library, Add. Ms 15282) and the Sefer Mitzvot Katan (Lake Constance Region, probably Konstanz, ca.1310; Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Cod. Heb. 75).

The [http://kaufmann.mtak.hu/en/ms384/ms384-coll1.htm digitalized version] of the manuscript is available online.

===The zodiac sign of Crab===
[[Image:TripartiteMahzor_vol1_143r.jpg|250px|thumb|''Zodiac sign of Crab and the labor of month Tammuz. [http://kaufmann.mtak.hu/en/ms384/ms384-coll1.htm Tripartite Mahzor vol.1], Germany, Lake Constance, ca.1320; Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Kaufmann Collection, MS Kaufmann A384, fol.143a'']]

In the first volume, the prayer for dew is decorated with zodiac signs and the labors of the months (fols.142r-145v). This image depicts the Crab (סרטן)together with the labor of month [[http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hebrew_calendar Tammuz]]. The crab is portrayed here as a strange hybrid created from the limbs different animals: its body is that of a boar, its legs are those of a frog, and its tail is a fish.

==Bibliography==

Fishof, Iris, ed. ''Written in the Stars; Art and Symbolism of the Zodiac.'' Jerusalem: Israel Museum, 2001.

Narkiss, Bezalel. „A Tripartite Illuminated Mahzor from a South German School of Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts around 1300.” In ''Fourth World Congress of Jewish Studies Papers'', , Vol 2. Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies, 1968.

Ormos, István. ''Kaufmann Dávid és gyűjteménye. Különnyomat az Örökségünk, Élő Múltunk. Gyűjtemények a Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtárában című kötetből'' (Dávid Kaufmann and his Collection. Extract from Our Heritage, Our Living Past. Collections in the Library of the Academy of Sciences). Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára, 2001.

== External links ==
http://kaufmann.mtak.hu/en/ms384/ms384-143r.htm

[[category:pig]]
[[category:Jewish]]
[[category:Manuscript Illumination]]
[[category:Zodiac]]
[[category:14th to 16th century]]

Stolen pigs - 1387

2012-06-04T08:36:05Z

Choyke:

Date:
30. 08. 1387.

Subject:
A charter in which the son of Miklós of Zerdahel is asking the chapterhouse of Veszprém to begin an investigation on the theft of their 100 oxen and 20 pigs.

Place:
Zerdahel, Dunajská Streda, Trnavský kraj, Slovensko

Publisher:
Hungarian National Archives. Dl 69995.

Language:
Latin

Source:
Mályusz Elemér (ed.): ''Zsigmondkori Oklevéltár I. (1387-1399)''. Budapest. 1951., Akadémiai Kiadó. 200.

Contributor: Vadas András. Email: vadinka86@gmail.com. Eötvös Loránd University of Sciences

Pig labeling

2010-05-21T11:29:21Z

Choyke:

== PIG-LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ==

Darko Karačić, Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University

The recent appearance of a pig in a popular TV sitcom in Bosnia and Herzegovina provoked passionate discussions in local and regional media. In the story, a Muslim man, looking for a meat animal, by mistake receives a pig from a provider. He accepts it; however, the pig dies while being transported in the car trunk. The scene when the two men bury the pig follows. One of the characters mentions, as a joke, that this business was a mistake and that all it brought was a ''dženaza'' for a pig.1 This scene almost brought the production of the sitcom to an end. The appearance of a pig in this context aroused negative reactions from Bosniaks (mainly Muslims) and the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The association “Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinje” claimed that the pig burial scene in the sitcom was “the greatest attack of civilization on Islamic values that had ever happened to Muslims in this area after the genocide.”2 These reactions brought about public discussions on the image of the pig in public discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Croats (mainly Catholics), Bosnian Serbs (mainly Orthodox), as well as secular Bosniaks (including the maker of the above-mentioned sitcom), perceived these reactions as a sign of a developing religious extremism of Bosnia and Herzegovina society. This example illustrates what a sensitive issue the representation of a pig can be to members of different nations and religions in Bosnian-Herzegovinian society.3 It is not only Muslim perception of forbidden pork meat, that is connected to the negative image of pig; pig is also used in negative labeling among all self-identified ‘ethnic’ groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thus, some of the wide spread stereotypic similes used by all three groups include:

“as fat as a pig; 
as drunk as a pig; 
as smelly as a pig; 
somebody smokes like a pig; 
somebody lies like a pig”, etc.4 

Pig labeling is a part of a complex problem connected with the mutual perceptions of in-groups and out-groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The representations of the “other” go hand in hand with the creation of the negative stereotypes. The concept that there is an image in our minds which influences our imagination and finally leads to the creation of strongly established stereotypes, was formulated in 1922 by Walter Lippmann in his work on media and democracy, ''Public Opinion''.5 Originally, the study of stereotypes focused mainly on the description of the contents of stereotypes about particular nations.6 After WWII, the aim of the study of stereotypes was to detect prejudiced and hostile opinions people had about other groups of people. Such opinions were supposed to be formed consistently through education. As further research has shown, stereotypes are created and spread through families, schools, but also through mass media and through contacts with members of other groups.7

The topic of stereotypes was very popular in western historiography during the Cold War. For a certain time, the ''mirror-image hypothesis'' by Urie Bronfennbrener8 dominated in the field of stereotype research. According to this theory, members of both superpowers, although belonging to two fundamentally different ideological backgrounds, tended to perceive themselves in a similarly positive way and to perceive the members of the other group in a similarly negative way.9 This theory proves applicable to the creation stereotypes and consequently negative labeling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and later on in the post-conflict context, pig-labeling has been common among the three main groups. ‘Pig’ as a concept has been frequently used by Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs to denote the “other” in a negative manner. Stricter grouping of people based on religion and nationality, which occurred after the war, resulted in greater isolation, stronger stereotypes about the ‘other’ and brought about a language of hatred, as is shown in the following examples. All the following citations are comments taken from recent (2010) web pages and represent individual usages of pig-labeling.

A comment on the Bosnian Croatian web-page on the news that a covered girl was not allowed wearing a veil at a university in England: 
“I think that under that veil they smell like pigs. It is amazing that somebody like that walks the streets in the 21st century.”10 
A comment on people who eat pork, on the Bosnian Muslim inter-net forum about pork mentioned in the Bible:
“As a rule, people who eat pork are fat, red as pigs, without a soul, and the fat grows on their bodies at the same places as fat grows on the bodies of pigs. Their noses look like power sockets and they resemble pigs in their sexual behavior.” 11 
A response to the comments posted on the ‘YouTube’ web page video called ''Serbs, swine and pigs'':
“Selam to all. If Serbs are pigs, and if Bosniaks are Islamized Serbs, then who are Bosniaks: pigs in mosques; pigs who hate pigs; slaughtered pigs…” 12 

These citations were the examples of how members of different groups use the same negative image to denote the members of the other group. Pig-labeling in the region was traditionally connected with relatively negative connotations, however, after the war in Bosnia, it has been transformed into a language connected with extreme hatred, war and humiliation.

----
References:

1) ''Dženaza'' is a Muslim funeral ceremony followed by a prayer. 
2) Available: http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/teme/izbih-serija-lud-zbunjen-normalan-podvaljuje-svinjsku-sunku-kao-purece-meso/komentari, 7 Feb 2010. 
3)http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/iz-minute-u-minutu/prekida-se-snimanje-serije-lud-zbunjen-normalan, 7 Feb 2010; http://www.rosko-polje.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=696:krmad-varci-i-bh-parlamentarci-&catid=79:ostale&Itemid=422, 14 Feb 2010; http://www.e-novine.com/stav/34625-Svi-slaemo-laemo.html, 7 Feb 2010. 
4) „debeo ko svinja; pijan kao svinja; smrdi ko svinja; pushi kao svinja; laže kao svinja“, from: http://trstenik.forume.biz/forumske-igre-f13/kao-svinja-t51.htm, 30 Jan 2010. 
5) LIPPMANN, Walter.'' Public Opinion.'' Washington : Free Press, 1965, pp. 92 – 156. 
6) KATZ, Daniel - BRALY, Kenneth. Racial Stereotypes of one hundred college students. In ''Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,'' 28, 1933, pp. 280-290. 
7) SULEIMAN, Michael. National Stereotypes as Weapons in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In ''Journal of Palestine Studies'', 3, 1974, pp. 109-121. 
8) BRONFENBRENNER, Urie. The mirror image in Soviet-American relations: A social psychologist’s report. In ''Journal of Social Sciences'', 17, 1961, pp. 45-46. 
9) SALAZAR, Jose Miguel, MARIN, Gerardo. National stereotypes as a function of conflict and territorial proximity: A test of the mirror image hypothesis. In ''The Journal of Social Psychology'', 101, 1977, pp. 13-19. 
10) “Ja mislim da ispod burke smrde kao svinje, užas da u 21. vijeku ovako neko izlazi na ulicu“, from: http://209.85.135.132/search?q=cache:fj1rzQXFaZkJ:www.livno-online.com/arhiva/14165-studentica-izbaena-sa-fakulteta-zato-to-nije-eljela-skinuti-burku+kao+svinje&cd=216&hl=bs&ct=clnk&gl=ba, 30 Jan 2010. 
11) “…U pravilu ljudi koji jedu svinjetinu su debeli,crveni kao svinje ,bezdusni i salo im se pojavljuje i gomila na istim mjestima kao kod svinje.Nos im lici na suko uticnicu i po pitanju sexualnog morala su slicni svinjama...” from: http://www.islambosna.ba/forum/dijalog-sa-nemuslimanima/krmetina-u-bibliji/msg13106/, 7 Jan 2010. 
12) “Selam svima.Ako su Srbi svinje,a Bosnjaci poturceni Srbi,sta su onda Bosnjaci?1. Uskopljene svinje 2. Srpska prasad 3. Krmad u dzamiji 4. Svinje koje mrze svinje 5. Svinje koje zive u kantonima 6. Svinje u dijaspori 7. Poklane svinje...”, from: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebfVSmOyc9w, 30 Jan 2010.

Pig labeling

2010-05-20T21:09:26Z

Choyke:

== PIG-LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ==

Darko Karačić, Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University

The recent appearance of a pig in a popular TV sitcom in Bosnia and Herzegovina provoked passionate discussions in local and regional media. In the story, a Muslim man, looking for a meat animal, by mistake receives a pig from a provider. He accepts it; however, the pig dies while being transported in the car trunk. The scene when the two men bury the pig follows. One of the characters mentions, as a joke, that this business was a mistake and that all it brought was a ''dženaza'' for a pig.1 This scene almost brought the production of the sitcom to an end. The appearance of a pig in this context aroused negative reactions from Bosniaks (mainly Muslims) and the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The association “Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinje” claimed that the pig burial scene in the sitcom was “the greatest attack of civilization on Islamic values that had ever happened to Muslims in this area after the genocide.”2 These reactions brought about public discussions on the image of the pig in public discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Croats (mainly Catholics), Bosnian Serbs (mainly Orthodox), as well as secular Bosniaks (including the maker of the above-mentioned sitcom), perceived these reactions as a sign of a developing religious extremism of Bosnia and Herzegovina society. This example illustrates what a sensitive issue the representation of a pig can be to members of different nations and religions in Bosnian-Herzegovinian society.3 It is not only Muslim perception of forbidden pork meat, that is connected to the negative image of pig; pig is also used in negative labeling among all self-identified ‘ethnic’ groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thus, some of the wide spread stereotypic similes used by all three groups include:

“as fat as a pig; 
as drunk as a pig; 
as smelly as a pig; 
somebody smokes like a pig; 
somebody lies like a pig”, etc.4 

Pig labeling is a part of a complex problem connected with the mutual perceptions of in-groups and out-groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The representations of the “other” go hand in hand with the creation of the negative stereotypes. The concept that there is an image in our minds which influences our imagination and finally leads to the creation of strongly established stereotypes, was formulated in 1922 by Walter Lippmann in his work on media and democracy, ''Public Opinion''.5 Originally, the study of stereotypes focused mainly on the description of the contents of stereotypes about particular nations.6 After WWII, the aim of the study of stereotypes was to detect prejudiced and hostile opinions people had about other groups of people. Such opinions were supposed to be formed consistently through education. As further research has shown, stereotypes are created and spread through families, schools, but also through mass media and through contacts with members of other groups.7

The topic of stereotypes was very popular in western historiography during the Cold War. For a certain time, the ''mirror-image hypothesis'' by Urie Bronfennbrener8 dominated in the field of stereotype research. According to this theory, members of both superpowers, although belonging to two fundamentally different ideological backgrounds, tended to perceive themselves in a similarly positive way and to perceive the members of the other group in a similarly negative way.9 This theory proves applicable to the creation stereotypes and consequently negative labeling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and later on in the post-conflict context, pig-labeling has been common among the three main groups. ‘Pig’ as a concept has been frequently used by Bosnians, Croats and Serbs to denote the “other” in a negative manner. Stricter grouping of people based on religion and nationality, which occurred after the war, resulted in greater isolation, stronger stereotypes about the ‘other’ and brought about a language of hatred, as is shown in the following examples. All the following citations are comments taken from recent (2010) web pages and represent individual usages of pig-labeling.

A comment on the Bosnian Croatian web-page on the news that a covered girl was not allowed wearing a veil at a university in England: 
“I think that under that veil they smell like pigs. It is amazing that somebody like that walks the streets in the 21st century.”10 
A comment on people who eat pork, on the Bosnian Muslim inter-net forum about pork mentioned in the Bible:
“As a rule, people who eat pork are fat, red as pigs, without a soul, and the fat grows on their bodies at the same places as fat grows on the bodies of pigs. Their noses look like power sockets and they resemble pigs in their sexual behavior.” 11 
A response to the comments posted on the ‘YouTube’ web page video called ''Serbs, swine and pigs'':
“Selam to all. If Serbs are pigs, and if Bosniaks are Islamized Serbs, then who are Bosniaks: pigs in mosques; pigs who hate pigs; slaughtered pigs…” 12 

These citations were the examples of how members of different groups use the same negative image to denote the members of the other group. Pig-labeling in the region was traditionally connected with relatively negative connotations, however, after the war in Bosnia, it has been transformed into a language connected with extreme hatred, war and humiliation.

----
References:

1) ''Dženaza'' is a Muslim funeral ceremony followed by a prayer. 
2) Available: http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/teme/izbih-serija-lud-zbunjen-normalan-podvaljuje-svinjsku-sunku-kao-purece-meso/komentari, 7 Feb 2010. 
3)http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/iz-minute-u-minutu/prekida-se-snimanje-serije-lud-zbunjen-normalan, 7 Feb 2010; http://www.rosko-polje.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=696:krmad-varci-i-bh-parlamentarci-&catid=79:ostale&Itemid=422, 14 Feb 2010; http://www.e-novine.com/stav/34625-Svi-slaemo-laemo.html, 7 Feb 2010. 
4) „debeo ko svinja; pijan kao svinja; smrdi ko svinja; pushi kao svinja; laže kao svinja“, from: http://trstenik.forume.biz/forumske-igre-f13/kao-svinja-t51.htm, 30 Jan 2010. 
5) LIPPMANN, Walter.'' Public Opinion.'' Washington : Free Press, 1965, pp. 92 – 156. 
6) KATZ, Daniel - BRALY, Kenneth. Racial Stereotypes of one hundred college students. In ''Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,'' 28, 1933, pp. 280-290. 
7) SULEIMAN, Michael. National Stereotypes as Weapons in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In ''Journal of Palestine Studies'', 3, 1974, pp. 109-121. 
8) BRONFENBRENNER, Urie. The mirror image in Soviet-American relations: A social psychologist’s report. In ''Journal of Social Sciences'', 17, 1961, pp. 45-46. 
9) SALAZAR, Jose Miguel, MARIN, Gerardo. National stereotypes as a function of conflict and territorial proximity: A test of the mirror image hypothesis. In ''The Journal of Social Psychology'', 101, 1977, pp. 13-19. 
10) “Ja mislim da ispod burke smrde kao svinje, užas da u 21. vijeku ovako neko izlazi na ulicu“, from: http://209.85.135.132/search?q=cache:fj1rzQXFaZkJ:www.livno-online.com/arhiva/14165-studentica-izbaena-sa-fakulteta-zato-to-nije-eljela-skinuti-burku+kao+svinje&cd=216&hl=bs&ct=clnk&gl=ba, 30 Jan 2010. 
11) “…U pravilu ljudi koji jedu svinjetinu su debeli,crveni kao svinje ,bezdusni i salo im se pojavljuje i gomila na istim mjestima kao kod svinje.Nos im lici na suko uticnicu i po pitanju sexualnog morala su slicni svinjama...” from: http://www.islambosna.ba/forum/dijalog-sa-nemuslimanima/krmetina-u-bibliji/msg13106/, 7 Jan 2010. 
12) “Selam svima.Ako su Srbi svinje,a Bosnjaci poturceni Srbi,sta su onda Bosnjaci?1. Uskopljene svinje 2. Srpska prasad 3. Krmad u dzamiji 4. Svinje koje mrze svinje 5. Svinje koje zive u kantonima 6. Svinje u dijaspori 7. Poklane svinje...”, from: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebfVSmOyc9w, 30 Jan 2010.

Pig labeling

2010-05-16T08:37:08Z

Choyke: /* PIG LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA */

== PIG-LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ==

Darko Karačič, Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University

The recent appearance of a pig in a popular TV sitcom in Bosnia and Herzegovina provoked passionate discussions in local and regional media. In the story, a Muslim man, looking for a meat animal, by mistake receives a pig from a provider. He accepts it; however, the pig dies while being transported in the car trunk. The scene when the two men bury the pig follows. One of the characters mentions, as a joke, that this business was a mistake and that all it brought was a ''dženaza'' for a pig.1 This scene almost brought the production of the sitcom to an end. The appearance of a pig in this context aroused negative reactions from Bosnians (mainly Muslims) and the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The association “Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinje” claimed that the pig burial scene in the sitcom was “the greatest attack of civilization on Islamic values that had ever happened to Muslims in this area after the genocide.”2 These reactions brought about public discussions on the image of the pig in public discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Croats (mainly Catholics), Bosnian Serbs (mainly Orthodox), as well as secular Bosnians ( including the maker of the above-mentioned sitcom), perceived these reactions as a sign of a developing religious extremism of Bosnia and Herzegovina society. This example illustrates what a sensitive issue the representation of a pig can be to members of different nations and religions in Bosnian-Herzegovinian society.3 It is not only Muslim perception of forbidden pork meat, that is connected to the negative image of pig; pig is also used in negative labeling among all self-identified ‘ethnic’ groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thus, some of the wide spread stereotypic similes used by all three mentioned groups include:

“as fat as a pig; 
as drunk as a pig; 
as smelly as a pig; 
somebody smokes like a pig; 
somebody lies like a pig”, etc.4 

Pig labeling is a part of a complex problem connected with the mutual perceptions of in-groups and out-groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The representations of the “other” go hand in hand with the creation of the negative stereotypes. The concept that there is an image in our minds which influences our imagination and finally leads to the creation of strongly established stereotypes, was formulated in 1922 by Walter Lippmann in his work on media and democracy, ''Public Opinion''.5 Originally, the study of stereotypes focused mainly on the description of the contents of stereotypes about particular nations.6 After WWII, the aim of the study of stereotypes was to detect prejudiced and hostile opinions people had about other groups of people. Such opinions were supposed to be formed consistently through education. As further research has shown, stereotypes are created and spread through families, schools, but also through mass media and through contacts with members of other groups.7

The topic of stereotypes was very popular in western historiography during the Cold War. For a certain time, the ''mirror-image hypothesis'' by Urie Bronfennbrener8 dominated in the field of stereotype research. According to this theory, members of both superpowers, although belonging to two fundamentally different ideological backgrounds, tended to perceive themselves in a similarly positive way and to perceive the members of the other group in a similarly negative way.9 This theory proves applicable to the creation stereotypes and consequently negative labeling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and later on in the post-conflict context, pig-labeling has been common among the three main groups. ‘Pig’ as a concept has been frequently used by Bosnians, Croats and Serbs to denote the “other” in a negative manner. Stricter grouping of people based on religion and nationality, which occurred after the war, resulted in greater isolation, stronger stereotypes about the ‘other’ and brought about a language of hatred, as is shown in the following examples. All the following citations are comments taken from recent (2010) web pages and represent individual usages of pig-labeling.

A comment on the Bosnian Croatian web-page on the news that a covered girl was not allowed wearing a veil at a university in England: 
“I think that under that veil they smell like pigs. It is amazing that somebody like that walks the streets in the 21st century.”10 
A comment on people who eat pork, on the Bosnian Muslim inter-net forum about pork mentioned in the Bible:
“As a rule, people who eat pork are fat, red as pigs, without a soul, and the fat grows on their bodies at the same places as fat grows on the bodies of pigs. Their noses look like power sockets and they resemble pigs in their sexual behavior.” 11 
A response to the comments posted on the ‘YouTube’ web page video called ''Serbs, swine and pigs'':
“Selam to all. If Serbs are pigs, and if Bosnians are Islamized Serbs, then who are Bosnians: pigs in mosques; pigs who hate pigs; slaughtered pigs…” 12 

These citations were the examples of how members of different groups use the same negative image to denote the members of the other group. Pig-labeling in the region was traditionally connected with relatively negative connotations, however, after the war in Bosnia, it has been transformed into a language connected with extreme hatred, war and humiliation.

----
References:

1) ''Dženaza'' is a Muslim funeral ceremony followed by a prayer. 
2) Available: http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/teme/izbih-serija-lud-zbunjen-normalan-podvaljuje-svinjsku-sunku-kao-purece-meso/komentari, 7 Feb 2010. 
3)http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/iz-minute-u-minutu/prekida-se-snimanje-serije-lud-zbunjen-normalan, 7 Feb 2010; http://www.rosko-polje.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=696:krmad-varci-i-bh-parlamentarci-&catid=79:ostale&Itemid=422, 14 Feb 2010; http://www.e-novine.com/stav/34625-Svi-slaemo-laemo.html, 7 Feb 2010. 
4) „debeo ko svinja; pijan kao svinja; smrdi ko svinja; pushi kao svinja; laže kao svinja“, from: http://trstenik.forume.biz/forumske-igre-f13/kao-svinja-t51.htm, 30 Jan 2010. 
5) LIPPMANN, Walter.'' Public Opinion.'' Washington : Free Press, 1965, pp. 92 – 156. 
6) KATZ, Daniel - BRALY, Kenneth. Racial Stereotypes of one hundred college students. In ''Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,'' 28, 1933, pp. 280-290. 
7) SULEIMAN, Michael. National Stereotypes as Weapons in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In ''Journal of Palestine Studies'', 3, 1974, pp. 109-121. 
8) BRONFENBRENNER, Urie. The mirror image in Soviet-American relations: A social psychologist’s report. In ''Journal of Social Sciences'', 17, 1961, pp. 45-46. 
9) SALAZAR, Jose Miguel, MARIN, Gerardo. National stereotypes as a function of conflict and territorial proximity: A test of the mirror image hypothesis. In ''The Journal of Social Psychology'', 101, 1977, pp. 13-19. 
10) “Ja mislim da ispod burke smrde kao svinje, užas da u 21. vijeku ovako neko izlazi na ulicu“, from: http://209.85.135.132/search?q=cache:fj1rzQXFaZkJ:www.livno-online.com/arhiva/14165-studentica-izbaena-sa-fakulteta-zato-to-nije-eljela-skinuti-burku+kao+svinje&cd=216&hl=bs&ct=clnk&gl=ba, 30 Jan 2010. 
11) “…U pravilu ljudi koji jedu svinjetinu su debeli,crveni kao svinje ,bezdusni i salo im se pojavljuje i gomila na istim mjestima kao kod svinje.Nos im lici na suko uticnicu i po pitanju sexualnog morala su slicni svinjama...” from: http://www.islambosna.ba/forum/dijalog-sa-nemuslimanima/krmetina-u-bibliji/msg13106/, 7 Jan 2010. 
12) “Selam svima.Ako su Srbi svinje,a Bosnjaci poturceni Srbi,sta su onda Bosnjaci?1. Uskopljene svinje 2. Srpska prasad 3. Krmad u dzamiji 4. Svinje koje mrze svinje 5. Svinje koje zive u kantonima 6. Svinje u dijaspori 7. Poklane svinje...”, from: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebfVSmOyc9w, 30 Jan 2010.

Pig labeling

2010-05-16T07:50:31Z

Choyke: /* PIG LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA */

== PIG LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ==

Darko Karačič, Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University

The recent appearance of a pig in a popular TV sitcom in Bosnia and Herzegovina provoked passionate discussions in local and regional media. In the story, a Muslim man, looking for a meat animal, by mistake receives a pig from a provider. He accepts it; however, the pig dies while being transported in the car trunk. The scene when the two men bury the pig follows. One of the characters mentions, as a joke, that this business was a mistake and that all it brought was a ''dženaza'' for a pig.1 This scene almost brought the production of the sitcom to an end. The appearance of a pig in this context aroused negative reactions from Bosnians (mainly Muslims) and the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The association “Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinje” claimed that the pig burial scene in the sitcom was “the greatest attack of civilization on Islamic values that had ever happened to Muslims in this area after the genocide.”2 These reactions brought about public discussions on the image of the pig in public discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Croats (mainly Catholics), Bosnian Serbs (mainly Orthodox), as well as secular Bosnians ( including the maker of the above-mentioned sitcom), perceived these reactions as a sign of a developing religious extremism of Bosnia and Herzegovina society. This example illustrates what a sensitive issue the representation of a pig can be to members of different nations and religions in Bosnian-Herzegovinian society.3 It is not only Muslim perception of forbidden pork meat, that is connected to the negative image of pig; pig is also used in negative labeling among all self-identified ‘ethnic’ groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thus, some of the wide spread stereotypic similes used by all three mentioned groups include:

“as fat as a pig; 
as drunk as a pig; 
as smelly as a pig; 
somebody smokes like a pig; 
somebody lies like a pig”, etc.4 

Pig labeling is a part of a complex problem connected with the mutual perceptions of in-groups and out-groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The representations of the “other” go hand in hand with the creation of the negative stereotypes. The concept that there is an image in our minds which influences our imagination and finally leads to the creation of strongly established stereotypes, was formulated in 1922 by Walter Lippmann in his work on media and democracy, ''Public Opinion''.5 Originally, the study of stereotypes focused mainly on the description of the contents of stereotypes about particular nations.6 After WWII, the aim of the study of stereotypes was to detect prejudiced and hostile opinions people had about other groups of people. Such opinions were supposed to be formed consistently through education. As further research has shown, stereotypes are created and spread through families, schools, but also through mass media and through contacts with members of other groups.7

The topic of stereotypes was very popular in western historiography during the Cold War. For a certain time, the ''mirror-image hypothesis'' by Urie Bronfennbrener8 dominated in the field of stereotype research. According to this theory, members of both superpowers, although belonging to two fundamentally different ideological backgrounds, tended to perceive themselves in a similarly positive way and to perceive the members of the other group in a similarly negative way.9 This theory proves applicable to the creation stereotypes and consequently negative labeling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and later on in the post-conflict context, pig-labeling has been common among the three main groups. ‘Pig’ as a concept has been frequently used by Bosnians, Croats and Serbs to denote the “other” in a negative manner. Stricter grouping of people based on religion and nationality, which occurred after the war, resulted in greater isolation, stronger stereotypes about the ‘other’ and brought about a language of hatred, as is shown in the following examples. All the following citations are comments taken from recent (2010) web pages and represent individual usages of pig-labeling.

A comment on the Bosnian Croatian web-page on the news that a covered girl was not allowed wearing a veil at a university in England: 
“I think that under that veil they smell like pigs. It is amazing that somebody like that walks the streets in the 21st century.”10 
A comment on people who eat pork, on the Bosnian Muslim inter-net forum about pork mentioned in the Bible:
“As a rule, people who eat pork are fat, red as pigs, without a soul, and the fat grows on their bodies at the same places as fat grows on the bodies of pigs. Their noses look like power sockets and they resemble pigs in their sexual behavior.” 11 
A response to the comments posted on the ‘YouTube’ web page video called ''Serbs, swine and pigs'':
“Selam to all. If Serbs are pigs, and if Bosnians are Islamized Serbs, then who are Bosnians: pigs in mosques; pigs who hate pigs; slaughtered pigs…” 12 

These citations were the examples of how members of different groups use the same negative image to denote the members of the other group. Pig-labeling in the region was traditionally connected with relatively negative connotations, however, after the war in Bosnia, it has been transformed into a language connected with extreme hatred, war and humiliation.

----
References:

1) ''Dženaza'' is a Muslim funeral ceremony followed by a prayer. 
2) Available: http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/teme/izbih-serija-lud-zbunjen-normalan-podvaljuje-svinjsku-sunku-kao-purece-meso/komentari, 7 Feb 2010. 
3)http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/iz-minute-u-minutu/prekida-se-snimanje-serije-lud-zbunjen-normalan, 7 Feb 2010; http://www.rosko-polje.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=696:krmad-varci-i-bh-parlamentarci-&catid=79:ostale&Itemid=422, 14 Feb 2010; http://www.e-novine.com/stav/34625-Svi-slaemo-laemo.html, 7 Feb 2010. 
4) „debeo ko svinja; pijan kao svinja; smrdi ko svinja; pushi kao svinja; laže kao svinja“, from: http://trstenik.forume.biz/forumske-igre-f13/kao-svinja-t51.htm, 30 Jan 2010. 
5) LIPPMANN, Walter.'' Public Opinion.'' Washington : Free Press, 1965, pp. 92 – 156. 
6) KATZ, Daniel - BRALY, Kenneth. Racial Stereotypes of one hundred college students. In ''Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,'' 28, 1933, pp. 280-290. 
7) SULEIMAN, Michael. National Stereotypes as Weapons in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In ''Journal of Palestine Studies'', 3, 1974, pp. 109-121. 
8) BRONFENBRENNER, Urie. The mirror image in Soviet-American relations: A social psychologist’s report. In ''Journal of Social Sciences'', 17, 1961, pp. 45-46. 
9) SALAZAR, Jose Miguel, MARIN, Gerardo. National stereotypes as a function of conflict and territorial proximity: A test of the mirror image hypothesis. In ''The Journal of Social Psychology'', 101, 1977, pp. 13-19. 
10) “Ja mislim da ispod burke smrde kao svinje, užas da u 21. vijeku ovako neko izlazi na ulicu“, from: http://209.85.135.132/search?q=cache:fj1rzQXFaZkJ:www.livno-online.com/arhiva/14165-studentica-izbaena-sa-fakulteta-zato-to-nije-eljela-skinuti-burku+kao+svinje&cd=216&hl=bs&ct=clnk&gl=ba, 30 Jan 2010. 
11) “…U pravilu ljudi koji jedu svinjetinu su debeli,crveni kao svinje ,bezdusni i salo im se pojavljuje i gomila na istim mjestima kao kod svinje.Nos im lici na suko uticnicu i po pitanju sexualnog morala su slicni svinjama...” from: http://www.islambosna.ba/forum/dijalog-sa-nemuslimanima/krmetina-u-bibliji/msg13106/, 7 Jan 2010. 
12) “Selam svima.Ako su Srbi svinje,a Bosnjaci poturceni Srbi,sta su onda Bosnjaci?1. Uskopljene svinje 2. Srpska prasad 3. Krmad u dzamiji 4. Svinje koje mrze svinje 5. Svinje koje zive u kantonima 6. Svinje u dijaspori 7. Poklane svinje...”, from: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebfVSmOyc9w, 30 Jan 2010.

Pig labeling

2010-05-16T07:48:41Z

Choyke: /* PIG LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA */

== PIG LABELING IN MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA ==

Darko Karačič, Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University

The recent appearance of a pig in a popular TV sitcom in Bosnia and Herzegovina provoked passionate discussions in local and regional media. In the story, a Muslim man, looking for a meat animal, by mistake receives a pig from a provider. He accepts it; however, the pig dies while being transported in the car trunk. The scene when the two men bury the pig follows. One of the characters mentions, as a joke, that this business was a mistake and that all it brought was a ''dženaza'' for a pig.1 This scene almost brought the production of the sitcom to an end. The appearance of a pig in this context aroused negative reactions from Bosnians (mainly Muslims) and the Islamic Community of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The association “Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinje” claimed that the pig burial scene in the sitcom was “the greatest attack of civilisation on Islamic values that had ever happened to Muslims in this area after the genocide.”2 These reactions brought about public discussions on the image of the pig in public discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Bosnian Croats (mainly Catholics), Bosnian Serbs (mainly Orthodox), as well as secular Bosnians ( including the maker of the above-mentioned sitcom), perceived these reactions as a sign of a developing religious extremism of Bosnia and Herzegovina society. This example illustrates what a sensitive issue the representation of a pig can be to members of different nations and religions in Bosnian-Herzegovinian society.3 It is not only Muslim perception of forbidden pork meat, that is connected to the negative image of pig; pig is also used in negative labelling among all self-identified ‘ethnic’ groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Thus, some of the wide spread stereotypic similes used by all three mentioned groups include:

“as fat as a pig; 
as drunk as a pig; 
as smelly as a pig; 
somebody smokes like a pig; 
somebody lies like a pig”, etc.4 

Pig labeling is a part of a complex problem connected with the mutual perceptions of in-groups and out-groups in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The representations of the “other” go hand in hand with the creation of the negative stereotypes. The concept that there is an image in our minds which influences our imagination and finally leads to the creation of strongly established stereotypes, was formulated in 1922 by Walter Lippmann in his work on media and democracy, ''Public Opinion''.5 Originally, the study of stereotypes focused mainly on the description of the contents of stereotypes about particular nations.6 After WWII, the aim of the study of stereotypes was to detect prejudiced and hostile opinions people had about other groups of people. Such opinions were supposed to be formed consistently through education. As further research has shown, stereotypes are created and spread through families, schools, but also through mass media and through contacts with members of other groups.7

The topic of stereotypes was very popular in western historiography during the Cold War. For a certain time, the ''mirror-image hypothesis'' by Urie Bronfennbrener8 dominated in the field of stereotype research. According to this theory, members of both superpowers, although belonging to two fundamentally different ideological backgrounds, tended to perceive themselves in a similarly positive way and to perceive the members of the other group in a similarly negative way.9 This theory proves applicable to the creation stereotypes and consequently negative labeling in Bosnia and Herzegovina. During the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and later on in the post-conflict context, pig-labeling has been common among the three main groups. ‘Pig’ as a concept has been frequently used by Bosnians, Croats and Serbs to denote the “other” in a negative manner. Stricter grouping of people based on religion and nationality, which occurred after the war, resulted in greater isolation, stronger stereotypes about the ‘other’ and brought about a language of hatred, as is shown in the following examples. All the following citations are comments taken from recent (2010) web pages and represent individual usages of pig-labeling.

A comment on the Bosnian Croatian web-page on the news that a covered girl was not allowed wearing a veil at a university in England: 
“I think that under that veil they smell like pigs. It is amazing that somebody like that walks the streets in the 21st century.”10 
A comment on people who eat pork, on the Bosnian Muslim inter-net forum about pork mentioned in the Bible:
“As a rule, people who eat pork are fat, red as pigs, without a soul, and the fat grows on their bodies at the same places as fat grows on the bodies of pigs. Their noses look like power sockets and they resemble pigs in their sexual behavior.” 11 
A response to the comments posted on the ‘YouTube’ web page video called ''Serbs, swine and pigs'':
“Selam to all. If Serbs are pigs, and if Bosnians are Islamized Serbs, then who are Bosnians: pigs in mosques; pigs who hate pigs; slaughtered pigs…” 12 

These citations were the examples of how members of different groups use the same negative image to denote the members of the other group. Pig-labeling in the region was traditionally connected with relatively negative connotations, however, after the war in Bosnia, it has been transformed into a language connected with extreme hatred, war and humiliation.

----
References:

1) ''Dženaza'' is a Muslim funeral ceremony followed by a prayer. 
2) Available: http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/teme/izbih-serija-lud-zbunjen-normalan-podvaljuje-svinjsku-sunku-kao-purece-meso/komentari, 7 Feb 2010. 
3)http://www.dnevniavaz.ba/dogadjaji/iz-minute-u-minutu/prekida-se-snimanje-serije-lud-zbunjen-normalan, 7 Feb 2010; http://www.rosko-polje.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=696:krmad-varci-i-bh-parlamentarci-&catid=79:ostale&Itemid=422, 14 Feb 2010; http://www.e-novine.com/stav/34625-Svi-slaemo-laemo.html, 7 Feb 2010. 
4) „debeo ko svinja; pijan kao svinja; smrdi ko svinja; pushi kao svinja; laže kao svinja“, from: http://trstenik.forume.biz/forumske-igre-f13/kao-svinja-t51.htm, 30 Jan 2010. 
5) LIPPMANN, Walter.'' Public Opinion.'' Washington : Free Press, 1965, pp. 92 – 156. 
6) KATZ, Daniel - BRALY, Kenneth. Racial Stereotypes of one hundred college students. In ''Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology,'' 28, 1933, pp. 280-290. 
7) SULEIMAN, Michael. National Stereotypes as Weapons in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. In ''Journal of Palestine Studies'', 3, 1974, pp. 109-121. 
8) BRONFENBRENNER, Urie. The mirror image in Soviet-American relations: A social psychologist’s report. In ''Journal of Social Sciences'', 17, 1961, pp. 45-46. 
9) SALAZAR, Jose Miguel, MARIN, Gerardo. National stereotypes as a function of conflict and territorial proximity: A test of the mirror image hypothesis. In ''The Journal of Social Psychology'', 101, 1977, pp. 13-19. 
10) “Ja mislim da ispod burke smrde kao svinje, užas da u 21. vijeku ovako neko izlazi na ulicu“, from: http://209.85.135.132/search?q=cache:fj1rzQXFaZkJ:www.livno-online.com/arhiva/14165-studentica-izbaena-sa-fakulteta-zato-to-nije-eljela-skinuti-burku+kao+svinje&cd=216&hl=bs&ct=clnk&gl=ba, 30 Jan 2010. 
11) “…U pravilu ljudi koji jedu svinjetinu su debeli,crveni kao svinje ,bezdusni i salo im se pojavljuje i gomila na istim mjestima kao kod svinje.Nos im lici na suko uticnicu i po pitanju sexualnog morala su slicni svinjama...” from: http://www.islambosna.ba/forum/dijalog-sa-nemuslimanima/krmetina-u-bibliji/msg13106/, 7 Jan 2010. 
12) “Selam svima.Ako su Srbi svinje,a Bosnjaci poturceni Srbi,sta su onda Bosnjaci?1. Uskopljene svinje 2. Srpska prasad 3. Krmad u dzamiji 4. Svinje koje mrze svinje 5. Svinje koje zive u kantonima 6. Svinje u dijaspori 7. Poklane svinje...”, from: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ebfVSmOyc9w, 30 Jan 2010.

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:57:41Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

== Inscription with coat of arms containing wild boar over an Edinburgh city center doorway==
* Main inscription translation: Blessings on who enter, salvation for those who leave
* secondary inscription in the middle translation: from Psalm 127 Unless the Lord is with us our labor is in vain. (shortened form)
* block to the right: Blessed be God in all his gifts

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:55:26Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

== Inscription with coat of arms containing wild boar over an Edinburgh city center doorway==
** Main inscription translation: Blessings on who enter, salvation for those who leave
** secondary inscription in the middle translation: from Psalm 127 Unless the Lord is with us our labor is in vain. (shortened form)
** block to the right: Blessed be God in all his gifts

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:53:58Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

== Inscription with coat of arms containing wild boar over an Edinburgh city center doorway==

** Main inscription translation: Blessings on who enter, salvation for those who leave
** secondary inscription in the middle translation: from Psalm 127 Unless the Lord is with us our labor is in vain. (shortened form)
** block to the right: Blessed be God in all his gifts

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:53:44Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

== Inscription with coat of arms containing wild boar over an Edinburgh city center doorway==

** Main inscription translation: Blessings on who enter, salvation for those who leave
** secondary inscription in the middle translation: from Psalm 127 Unless the Lord is with us our labor is in vain. (shortened form)
** block to the right: Blessed be God in all his gifts

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:52:47Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

== Inscription with coat of arms containing wild boar over an Edinburgh city center doorway==

** Main inscription translation: Blessings on who enter, salvation for those who leave

** secondary inscription in the middle translation: from Psalm 127 Unless the Lord is with us our labor is in vain. (shortened form)

** block to the right: Blessed

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:46:58Z

Choyke:

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:46:26Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

== Inscription with coat of arms containing wild boar over an Edinburgh city center doorway==

Main inscription translation: Blessings on who enter, salvation for those who leave

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:37:17Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]

== entrance ==

[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:35:45Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]
[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg|thumb]]

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:35:18Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg|thumb]]
[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg]]

Lintel

2008-12-10T13:34:47Z

Choyke:

[[image:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg]]
[[image:SSlintel_Edinburgh6.jpg]]

File:SSlintel Edinburgh6.jpg

2008-12-10T13:24:54Z

Choyke: seventeenth century lintel Edinburgh text (photo choyke 2008)

seventeenth century lintel Edinburgh text (photo choyke 2008)

File:SS lintel Edinburgh 17th c. wild boar shield4.jpg

2008-12-10T13:22:12Z

Choyke: seventeenth century house lintel Edinburgh (photo Choyke 2008)

seventeenth century house lintel Edinburgh (photo Choyke 2008)

Community Portal:contributions:texts

2008-11-06T12:45:41Z

Choyke:

Community Portal:contributions:texts

2008-11-06T12:36:02Z

Choyke:

Community Portal:contributions:texts

2008-11-06T12:35:33Z

Choyke: